Zamel Bawi had his death sentence confirmed by Branch 3 of the Revolutionary Court in Ahvaz on 10 June 2006 on charges of hiding seven home-made time bombs, which he defused before his arrest.
PUBLIC AI Index: MDE 13/072/2006
23 June 2006
Further Information on 233/05 (MDE 13/051/2005, 9 September 2005) and follow-up (MDE 13/065/2005, 2 November 2005 and MDE 13/033/2006, 31 March 2006) - Fear of Torture and ill-treatment/ Incommunicado detention/ Death sentence and new concern: Imminent execution
IRAN Mohsen Bawi (m), aged 33 ]
Imad Bawi (m), law student, aged 31 ]
Zamel Bawi (m), aged 29 ] brothers
Hani Bawi (m), student, aged 22 ]
Moslem Bawi (m), student, aged 19 ]
Asad Bawi (m), their cousin, aged 34
Mansour Tayouri (m) ] members of the extended Bawi family
Hassan Boughedar (or Bou Azar or Bozar) (m)]
Lefteh Sarkhi (m), student
<!--[if !vml]--><!--[endif]--> Zamel Bawi had his death sentence confirmed by Branch 3 of the Revolutionary Court in Ahvaz on 10 June 2006 on charges of hiding seven home-made time bombs, which he defused before his arrest. Zamel and Imad Bawi were reportedly sentenced to death in October 2005 and may have appeared in a Tehran court on 21 February 2006. Although no details of that hearing were divulged, new reports suggest that Imad Bawi has been sentenced to 25 years’ imprisonment, possibly after appearing before an Appeal Court.
Saleh Nikbakht, the lawyer representing the five Bawi brothers and their cousin Asad Bawi, reportedly said that they will appeal against the verdict adding that "Although buying and selling weapons is illegal, hiding bombs without using them is not subject to the death sentence in the same way as it applies to those who attack the government."
New reports suggest that Mohsen Bawi has been sentenced to 30 years’ imprisonment and that the case of the youngest brother, Moslem Bawi, who was under 18 at the time of his arrest, has been referred to a juvenile court. Moslem Bawi had reportedly been sentenced previously to at least 11 years’ imprisonment by a Revolutionary Court. Hani Bawi was reportedly sentenced to 11 years’ imprisonment with a subsequent 10 years’ exile in Azerbaijan, northern Iran in March 2006.
Asad Bawi, who was released on 2 May 2006 on a 500 million Rials bail(equivalent to about US$55,000), has reportedly been sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment. Mansour Tayouri, Hassan Boughedar (or Bou Azar or Bozar) and Lefteh Sarkhi have also reportedly been sentenced to 11 years’ imprisonment terms with subsequent exile to the Northern provinces of Iran.
Given the secretive nature of the trials, the current stage of the legal proceedings is unclear to Amnesty International. Some or all of the cases may have been sent to the Supreme Court for review.
At the beginning of June, seven lawyers who appeared before Branch 3 of the Revolutionary Court representing the prisoners, reportedly wrote a letter of complaint to the president of the court. In the letter, the lawyers described irregularities in the trial: they were notified of their clients' trial date one to two days in advance, instead of the minimum of five days stated in Article 64 of the Civil Procedure Code, and could not study their client’s files fully; they were not allowed to meet in private with their clients despite their requests and despite the fact that the Head of the Judiciary reportedly stated on 20 May 2006 that: “Nobody has the right to issue an order in contravention of the law and to deprive the accused of the right of visit by their family and lawyer. They must know quite clearly that they may request private meeting with their lawyer.” The letter also stated that the trial sessions have been held independently, without the other defendants and their lawyers being present.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Unrest among the Arab community in Khuzestan province, including bomb explosions in Ahvaz City in June and October 2005, and January 2006 which killed at least 20 people, and explosions at oil installations in September and October 2005, has led to scores of deaths at the hands of the security forces and hundreds of arrests. Two men, Mehdi Nawaseri and Ali Awdeh Afrawi, were executed in public on 2 March 2006 after they were convicted of involvement in the October bombings. Their executions followed unfair trials before a Revolutionary Court during which they are believed to have been denied access to lawyers, and their confessions, along with those of seven other men, were broadcast on television.
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English, Arabic, Persian or your own language:
- stating that Amnesty International recognizes the rights and responsibilities of governments to bring to justice those suspected of criminal offences, but strongly opposes the death penalty as the ultimate cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment and violation of the right to life;
- urging that the death sentence imposed on Zamel Bawi be commuted immediately;
- seeking full details of the trials of all nine men (naming them), including details of the charges and evidence against them and any appeals they may have made;
- expressing concern at reports that they were not granted access to a lawyer during some or all sessions of their trial, and as such, their trial did not meet international standards for fair trial, as laid down by Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which Iran is a State Party.
- calling for the nine men to be given immediate access to lawyers, their families, interpreters and medical treatment if necessary;
- seeking assurances that they are not being tortured or ill-treated in detention.
APPEALS TO:
Leader of the Islamic Republic
His Excellency Ayatollah Sayed ‘Ali Khamenei, The Office of the Supreme Leader
The Henry Jackson Society believes that the Ahwazi Arabs of Iran face ongoing injustice and oppression from the regime in Tehran. We aim to highlight their suffering and we think that any settlement with the Iranian authorities must not come without considering both the Ahwazis’ future and the protection of their human rights.
The Ahwazi Arabs reside, for the most part, in Khuzestan province of southwestern Iran.
Khuzestan holds a geo-strategically crucial position. It is the gateway between the Arab world and Asia, it contains almost ninety percent of Iran’s oil resources and it is the obvious point of entry from Iran into Iraq and vice-versa.
The determination of the Tehran regime to exploit Khuzestan’s resources has led to the oppression of the local Ahwazi Arab population, who are subject to abuses ranging from cultural repression to whole-scale ‘ethnic cleansing’.
The Ahwazi Arabs, though, may be fated to play a key role in a new democratic geopolitics of the Middle East. In an ideal scenario, their national aspirations, and those of the Turks, Kurds, Baluchis and other Arabs, who make up over half of the population of Iran, would serve as a vehicle for the democratic transformation of Iran.
Addressing the Ahwazi problem would also help to stabilise the coalition position in southern Iraq, by disrupting terrorist networks across the border. The current militarisation of an area of Khuzestan adjacent to the Iraqi border is displacing large numbers of indigenous Ahwazi Arabs living in the area and provides the Iranian regime with a springboard from which to intervene into Iraq.
The ‘Ahwazi issue’ could also provide a valuable common national project to unite the emerging democracy in Iraq.
Failure to address the Ahwazi issue could carry serious repercussions economically, as well as politically. Supply from Khuzestan’s vast oil reserves can only be safe-guarded, in the long-term, by ensuring that the local people are given a reasonable share of the wealth it generates. At present, they are denied an equitable distribution of resources.
Any solution to the ‘Iranian’ problem must include safeguards for the Ahwazi Arabs.
The Henry Jackson Society, therefore, organised a briefing discussion with various interested parties in order to highlight the Ahwazi Arabs’ plight. This meeting was held on 19th June 2006 in the Houses of Parliament, London.
The Henry Jackson Society is a non-profit and non-partisan organisation that seeks to promote the following principles: that liberal democracy should be spread across the world; that as the world’s most powerful democracies, the United States and the European Union – under British leadership – must shape the world more actively by intervention and example; that such leadership requires political will, a commitment to universal human rights and the maintenance of a strong military with global expeditionary reach; and that too few of our leaders in Britain and the rest of Europe today are ready to play a role in the world that matches our strength and responsibilities.
The Henry Jackson Society intends, therefore, to provide a platform for much-needed discussion and research. It will attempt to mobilise support behind a principled policy of democratic geopolitics.
As the world commemorates International Refugee Day, the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) has highlighted the cases of several nations and peoples suffering forced displacement, including the Ahwazi Arabs.
In a statement released today, UNPO says: "In Iran, as with many of the other minority nations in the Islamic republic, the circumstance of the Ahwazi Arabs has been precarious since 1925 when Ahwaz, until then an autonomous Arab territory, gradually lost its political, economic and cultural independence and became a part of Iran. Recently, individuals promoting rights of the Arab people in the Ahwaz region have been targeted and subject to capital punishment. Sustained repression, coupled with lack of free media and denial of basic human rights have led many to flee. Earlier this month the UNHCR voiced its concern about the fate of several Ahwazi recognized refugees, some being arrested in Syria. UNPO continues to work with its Members in the region to highlight and address these issues." (click here to download the statement in full)
The UNPO is composed of Member nations and groups, including indigenous peoples and minorities, of whom many continue to suffer from forced migration or face the risk of becoming refugees, due to their respective political as well as socio-economic contexts; some residing in conflict-ridden and/or resource-scarce environments and many being part of politically marginalized communities. The issue of refugees is therefore an important question to UNPO Members worldwide, and continues to be a problem related to the larger issues of democratization and human rights, development and human security; and the lack of such
Since April 2005, over 25,000 Ahwazis have been detained and an approximate 130 executed so far. To date, over 150 individuals have disappeared and are believed to have been held, tortured and then executed by the Iranian security forces. The Ahwazi-Arabs have faced confiscation of their farm lands, forced displacement and have suffered sustained human rights violations. The scale and continuation of repression against the Ahwazis demands urgent international attention and address by the United Nations (UN) and bodies mandated to the uphold respect for human rights worldwide.
The South-western governor-general of Khuzestan has announced publicly that the ongoing Ahwazi executions will continue. Twenty one detainees face imminent execution by aggressive Iranian security force aimed at targeting the Ahwazi-Arabs.
UNPO is deeply concerned at current developments in Iran, specifically concerning the indigenous Ahwazi Arab people. Last week, the south-western provincial Governor-General of Khuzestan (Al-Ahwaz) - General Amir Hayat-Moqaddam, reportedly told the Iranian News Agency (IRNA) that the executions of Ahwaz-Arabs would continue after the government has issued more than eight executions over the past two months. Taking all events into account it would indicate that the Iranian repressive regime is undertaking a new wave of arbitrary executions targeting political and human rights activists of the indigenous Ahwazi Arab nation in Iran.
According to our information, on 01 June 2006, the Revolutionary Court’s 3rd Branch in the city of Ahwaz sentenced eleven political activists to death. Two days later, Iraj Amirkhani, Ahwaz Prosecutor General reportedly announced over public radio that twenty five people have been arrested and are also to be sentenced to death. This currently brings the total to thirty six Ahwazis recently arrested since this critical announcement.
Since April 2005, over 25,000 Ahwazis have been detained and an approximate 130 executed so far. To date, over 150 individuals have disappeared and are believed to have been held, tortured and then executed by the Iranian security forces. The Ahwazi-Arabs have faced confiscation of their farm lands, forced displacement and have suffered sustained human rights violations. The scale and continuation of repression against the Ahwazis demands urgent international attention and address by the United Nations (UN) and bodies mandated to the uphold respect for human rights worldwide.
Based on the above facts, UNPO has appealed to Mr. Philip Alston, Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions to: 1) urgently request the individuals facing threat of immediate execution to be granted due legal proceedings and/or be released; 2) urgently alert the United Nation’s Secretary General, Kofi Annan, to the current situation in Iran regarding the ongoing arbitrary executions of the Ahwazi peoples; 3) urge Iran to respect and uphold its obligations under International Humanitarian law and to end practices of unlawful arbitrary detention and execution; especially in executions towards minors, and; 4) put renewed pressure on Iran to end its acts of repression against the Ahwazi Arab peoples in Khuzestan
Amnesty International has received the names of over 40 women and men reported to be
among those arrested. Unconfirmed reports suggest that some are now being held at the Eshrat Abad detention centre in Tehran.Pictures of the demonstration, including some of police wielding batons, can be seen on a number of websites such as: www.kosoof.com, www.advarnews.org?Gallery/1965.aspx and www.nasiriphotos.com/blog/?id=1003639.
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
Public Statement
AI Index:MDE 13/066/2006(Public)
News Service No:153
15 June 2006
Iran: Women’s rights demonstrators beaten and arrested
Amnesty International condemns the Iranian security forces' violent disruption of a peaceful demonstration on 12 June by women and men advocating an end to legal discrimination against women in Iran. The demonstrators had gathered in the Seventh of Tir Square in Tehran to call, among other things, for changes in the law to give a woman's testimony in court equal value to that of a man and for married women to be allowed to choose their employment and to travel freely without obtaining the prior permission of their husband.
Police, including a large unit of policewomen, reportedly moved in as soon as the demonstration began and immediately started beating the protestors with batons in order to force them to disperse. They detained scores of demonstrators; on 13 June 2006, Minister of Justice and Spokesman for the Judiciary Jamal Karimi-Rad stated that 70 people had been arrested, 42 were women and 28 men, forparticipating in what he alleged was an illegal demonstration. When questioned about the beatings by police, he said, "if there was any beating, it will be reviewed". Some of those detained are reported to have been released.
Amnesty International has received the names of over 40 women and men reported to be among those arrested. Unconfirmed reports suggest that some are now being held at the Eshrat Abad detention centre in Tehran.Pictures of the demonstration, including some of police wielding batons, can be seen on a number of websites such as: www.kosoof.com, www.advarnews.org?Gallery/1965.aspx and www.nasiriphotos.com/blog/?id=1003639.
Amnesty International believes that those detained may be prisoners of conscience, detained solely for the peaceful exercise of their internationally recognized right to freedom of expression and association. If so, they should be released immediately and unconditionally. Amnesty International is also calling for a prompt, thorough and impartial investigation into the excessive force used against the demonstrators. Anyone found responsible for abuse should be brought to justice promptly and fairly.
The organization once again reminds the Iranian authorities of Article 12 of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. This states that "Everyone has the right to participate in peaceful activities against violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms." The Declaration requires states to "take all necessary measures to ensure the protection… against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of his or her legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in the present Declaration."
On 9 June 2006 Amnesty International issued a statement calling for an end to discrimination against women in Iran and urging the Iranian authorities to ensure that the policing of the peaceful demonstration planned to be held on 12 June was consistent with international human rights standards (see Iran: Amnesty International calls for action to end discrimination against women, AI Index MDE 13/064/2006).Earlier this year, the organization condemned the use of violence by Iranian security forces against women who had gathered to celebrate International Women's Day on 8 March 2006 (see Iran: Amnesty International condemns violence against women demonstrators in Iran, AI Index MDE 13/024/2006).
Iran's persecuted Ahwazi Arab minority are being subjected to an ethnic cleansing programme in their homeland, Al-Ahwaz (Khuzestan), with their lands confiscated to build racially exclusive settlements such as the Persian township of Sharinshahr.
The British Ahwazi Friendship Society (BAFS) has found that many of those who object to forcible relocation have 'disappeared' or have been executed, with hundreds of Ahwazis dumped in mass graves. BAFS has published photographic proof of shallow graves where Ahwazis have been buried in a place the government calls "Lanat Abad", the place of the "damned people". The bodies do not stay long in the unmarked graves, before they are dug up and eaten by dogs (click on image for larger size).
Around 160 Ahwazi Arabs were killed in the Ahwazi intifada (uprising) in April 2005 when the regime lost control over large parts of Khuzestan, but more have been murdered, incarcerated and 'disappeared' as unrest has continued.
They include Seyed Sultan Albu-Shokeh, a 45 year old disabled farmer from Falahya (Shadegan) (click here for more information):
Mehdi Nawaseri, who was hung after being forced to confess on Khuzestan TV to being a terrorist:
Muhammed-Ali Afrawi, who was also hung alongside Mehdi after a television "confession" - his sister was murdered by the security forces the following day and his father, a leading psychologist at Chamram Hospital, is now on death row:
Kamal Daghaghleh, who was shot dead by the security forces in a demonstration in Ahwaz's Hey Althowra district which followed the executions (click here for more information):
A number of bodies showing signs of torture have been found up washed up on the shores of the Karoon River, which flows through Ahwaz City, or found in fishing nets (click here for more information):
Meanwhile, the wives and young children of Ahwazi activists campaigning to stop the killings and land confiscations have been held hostage by the regime. They include the world's youngest political prisoner, Baby Salma, the daughter of Fahima Ismail Badawi (pictured below) and moderate opposition leader Ali Madouri-Zadeh:
Other minorities are also suffering violent persecution, notably the Balochis. The Iranian military is using helicopter gun ships and air strikes to kill innocent Balochis in their homeland, which straddles the Iran-Pakistan border (click here for the Balochistan Peoples Party website):
BAFS spokesman Nasser Bani Assad said: "Despite high profile appeals by European politicians and human rights activists, the European Union and the British government have ignored Ahwazi appeals for the issue of ethnic cleansing to be addressed at an international level.
"Meanwhile, Chinese, Indian and European firms are profiting from the genocidal policies of the Iranian regime, with the full support of their governments. Companies such as Britain's Costain Group (click here for more information on Costain) are investing large sums on money in industries that exploit natural resources extracted from land forcibly taken from Ahwazis. The Ahwazis themselves are rewarded with mass unemployment, poverty, disease and anonymous mass graves - none of the revenue generated from the oil-rich lands stolen from the Ahwazis is redistributed.
"Last year, the Costain Group won a US$1.6 billion deal to construct the Bid Boland 2 gas treatment facility for the National Iranian Gas Company near Behbahan City, a facility that relies on state terror to maintain Costain profits. The deal was assisted with the support of the UK's ambassador to Tehran, Richard Dalton (click here for details).
"We want to ask Prime Minister Tony Blair how his government's assistance in the pillaging of Al-Ahwaz and the terrorising of the Ahwazi Arabs is in any way conducive to the creation of a stable and democratic Middle East? Why are the killings in Ahwaz less important than the killings in Halabja?"
The South-western governor-general of Khuzestan has announced publicly that the ongoing Ahwazi executions will continue. Twenty one detainees face imminent execution by aggressive Iranian security force aimed at targeting the Ahwazi-Arabs.
UNPO is deeply concerned at current developments in Iran, specifically concerning the indigenous Ahwazi Arab people. Last week, the south-western provincial Governor-General of Khuzestan (Al-Ahwaz) - General Amir Hayat-Moqaddam, reportedly told the Iranian News Agency (IRNA) that the executions of Ahwaz-Arabs would continue after the government has issued more than eight executions over the past two months. Taking all events into account it would indicate that the Iranian repressive regime is undertaking a new wave of arbitrary executions targeting political and human rights activists of the indigenous Ahwazi Arab nation in Iran.
According to our information, on 01 June 2006, the Revolutionary Court's 3rd Branch in the city of Ahwaz sentenced eleven political activists to death. Two days later, Iraj Amirkhani, Ahwaz Prosecutor General reportedly announced over public radio that twenty five people have been arrested and are also to be sentenced to death. This currently brings the total to thirty six Ahwazis recently arrested since this critical announcement.
Since April 2005, over 25,000 Ahwazis have been detained and an approximate 130 executed so far. To date, over 150 individuals have disappeared and are believed to have been held, tortured and then executed by the Iranian security forces. The Ahwazi-Arabs have faced confiscation of their farm lands, forced displacement and have suffered sustained human rights violations. The scale and continuation of repression against the Ahwazis demands urgent international attention and address by the United Nations (UN) and bodies mandated to the uphold respect for human rights worldwide.
Based on the above facts, UNPO has appealed to Mr. Philip Alston, Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions to: 1) urgently request the individuals facing threat of immediate execution to be granted due legal proceedings and/or be released; 2) urgently alert the United Nation's Secretary General, Kofi Annan, to the current situation in Iran regarding the ongoing arbitrary executions of the Ahwazi peoples; 3) urge Iran to respect and uphold its obligations under International Humanitarian law and to end practices of unlawful arbitrary detention and execution; especially in executions towards minors, and; 4) put renewed pressure on Iran to end its acts of repression against the Ahwazi Arab peoples in Khuzestan.
Iran: Amnesty International calls for action to end discrimination against women
Amnesty International has been informed that Iranian women will meet in Seventh of Tir Square in Tehran at 5pm on 12 June 2006 in order to call for the implementation of a series of measures which, if implemented, would significantly reduce legal and other discrimination against women in Iran. They include measures for which Amnesty International has also called publicly, including in a statement entitled Iran: Amnesty International urges new President to make human rights a top priority, (AI Index MDE 13/041/2005), and which the organization continues to advocate. The Iranian government should give urgent attention to these calls for reform and should take prompt action to address those laws and practices which continue to discriminate against women in Iran and deny them full access to their fundamental human rights. In addition, Amnesty International urges the Iranian government to ratify, without reservation, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.
The Iranian authorities should furthermore ensure that the policing of the meeting should be consistent with international standards on law enforcement such as the United Nations Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials and should respect the internationally recognised rights to freedom of expression and assembly. On 8 March 2006, Iranian police, Revolutionary Guards and others forcibly dispersed a gathering of about 1,000 women celebrating International Women’s Day in Tehran, beating some of them (see Iran: Amnesty International condemns violence against women demonstrators in Iran, AI Index MDE 13/024/2006). Amnesty International urged the authorities to investigate this excessive use of force. An official complaint by nine women injured by security forces on 8 March was lodged in May 2006 with Branch 11 of the Office of the Public Prosecutor of Tehran’s General and Revolutionary Court, but to date it is not clear what action, if any, the authorities have taken to investigate the complaint and hold to account any members of the security forces responsible for human rights abuses.
The United Nations refugee agency today called on Syria not to extradite Iranian Arabs to their homeland, reminding the Government of its obligations not to return refugees or asylum seekers to territories where their lives or freedom might be threatened due to race, religion, nationality or political opinion.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) "is increasingly concerned about the fate of several Ahwazi (Iranian Arab) refugees recognized by our office in Damascus," spokesman Ron Redmond told a news briefing in Geneva, citing the recent arrest of seven Ahwazis.
Six of these are recognized by UNHCR as refugees under the 1951 Refugee Convention and one is a former refugee recently naturalized by the Netherlands. The Agency immediately raised its concerns at the highest levels, stressing that the recognised refugees should immediately be released. As a result, three have been freed but four remain in detention.
"UNHCR is particularly concerned about the fate of these Ahwazis, as the Syrian authorities recently deported to Iran an Arab-Iranian Ahwazi who was recognised as a mandate refugee by UNHCR Damascus at the end of 2005 and who had been accepted for resettlement in Norway," Mr. Redmond said.
According to the Syrian Foreign Ministry, the extradition was requested by the Iranian authorities. "Extradition does not mean that a refugee or asylum seeker loses his or her international protection status. We therefore strongly appeal to both Syrian and Iranian authorities to allow the refugee to depart to Norway as scheduled," Mr. Redmond added.
Ahwazi refugees came to Iraq and Syria during various periods. Recent human rights reports have expressed concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in Al-Ahwaz (Khuzestan) in Iran, home to nearly 2 million Iranians of Arab descent. Individuals promoting rights of the Arab people in the Ahwaz region have reportedly been targeted, and access to the region has been denied to foreign and local journalists, Mr. Redmond said.
"UNHCR strongly appeals to Syria to abide by its obligations under international law and to ensure that the principle of non-refoulement is recognised," he added.
"The principle of non-refoulement prohibits states from returning refugees or asylum seekers to territories where there is a risk that their lives or freedom would be threatened on account of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion."
Former Defence Minister Ali Shamkhani has launched a stinging rebuke of the Ahmadinejad's policies towards ethnic minorities, particularly Ahwazi Arabs, according to a report by Iran's Aftab News Agency.
An ethnic Arab, Shamkhani served in the cabinet of President Mohammad Khatami (1997-2005) and had led the ground forces in the Iran-Iraq War. In the interview with Aftab, Shamkhani warns that Iran will face a rise in ethnic tensions in the near future and will become a major challenge to the regime.
Shamkhani does not share President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's view that ethnic unrest is being encouraged and organised by the British government. Instead, he says that 27 years after the Iranian Revolution, the regime is failing to address the widening gap between people's expectations and its ability to fulfill them. According to Shamkhani, ethnic unrest is a result of the regime's failure to provide any solutions for minority demands and unless the government provides a democratic framework for these demands to be met, Iran should expect large-scale unrest.
Shamkhani pointed to the difference in the way the government has addressed recent unrest among Azeris, who form 25 per cent of the Iranian population, and disturbances by smaller ethnic groups in Khuzestan, Balochistan and Kurdistan. Unrest among Azeris was sparked by a racist cartoon in a conservative newspaper, which compared Azeris to cockroaches. The government stopped the newspaper's publication and arrested the cartoonist and editor, following confrontational demonstrations in Azeri-populated cities such as Tabriz. While the regime put down the demonstrations by force, it also took action against those responsible for the offensive cartoon. In contrast, Ahwazi Arab unrest has been met with state violence, the kidnapping and imprisonment of the wives and children of dissidents, regular public executions of opposition activists and a string of other human rights violations. Shamkhani appeared to condemn the difference in the treatment of ethnic groups and called on the government to stop regarding ethnic Arabs as a fifth column.
Shamkhani is currently runs the Institute of Iran Studies and the Defence Research Centre. He has been involved in dialogue between Ahwazi Arabs and the government in an attempt to bring an end to the intifada in Khuzestan, the homeland of the Ahwazi Arabs. In April, the British Ahwazi Friendship Society (BAFS) received a video of one meeting between angry Ahwazi leaders and Shamkhani (click here to download the video, in 3gp format - playable in RealPlayer).
Despite being Iran's most successful Arab figure in post-revolution Iran, Shamkhani did little to advance the Ahwazi cause while in office. The massacre of around 160 Ahwazis in the April 2005 uprising occurred while Shamkhani was still defence minister in Khatami's government.
The Ahwazis' chief demands include: respect for Arab culture and customs, poverty alleviation, an end to racial discrimination and land confiscations, the redistribution of oil revenues generated by the oil industry in Ahwaz and respect for human rights and freedom of speech. Peaceful demonstrations by Ahwazis have been met with brutal violence by the security forces, including the Bassij paramilitaries, who have killed a large number of protestors and activists over the past year.
Shamkhani is not the only establishment figure to criticise the government's policies towards ethnic minorities. In January, the Islamic Majlis Centre for Research - a think tank attached to the Majlis (parliament) - warned that Iran could face ethnic conflict and unrest unless the government addresses the needs of Iran's ethnic minorities (click here for more information).
Six Ahwazi Arabs have been sentenced to death this week at Section 3 of the Ahwaz Revolutionary Court.
They were convicted of involvement in bomb attacks in the city, although the names of those sentenced have not been confirmed. Reports suggest that three of those facing execution are among the six sons of moderate Ahwaz tribal leader Hajj Salem Bawi who have been the subject of an intense campaign for their release. The Bawi brothers are believed to be among the victims of the government's retribution against the Ahwazi population for unrest that has gripped the province of Khuzestan, the Ahwazi Arab homeland. However, reports from Ahwaz are unclear as the proceedings of the Revolutionary Courts are held in private, with defendents denied access to defence lawyers. In a recent report, Amnesty International has listed 11 men threatened with execution, including Zamal and Imad Bawi, pictured (click here for report).
Meanwhile, a number of Ahwazi refugees are being held in custody in Syria while their fate is decided by the Syrian government, an ally of the Iranian regime. Saeed Saki, an Ahwazi refugee registered with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, has already been extradited to Iran by Syria and human rights groups have expressed concern over his treatment (click here for details).
Syria's extradition of registered Ahwazi refugees contravenes the Geneva Convention on refugees and Ahwazi activists have appealed to the Syrian government to release the refugees. The refugees' UNHCR registration documents state that they should be "protected from forcible return where he/she would face threats to his or her life or freedom." The British Ahwazi Friendship Society (BAFS) has obtained proof of the UNHCR refugee registration for Jamal Obeidi, a 34-year-old student and Chair of Ahwazi Student Union in Syria (click on picture for larger version).
Dutch national Faleh Abdullah al Mansouri (60), who leads the Ahwaz Liberation Organisation (ALO), is also being held by Syria. The Iranian regime claims all those arrested in Syria are Salafists, followers of a Sunni Islamist sect. However, the ALO has never propagated any religious views and has a secular nationalist ideology.
Iran has reacted angrily to a map of Persian Gulf in a recent issue of National Geographic, which showed the name ‘Arabian Gulf’ next to “Persian Gulf’ in reference to this body of water. This anger was expressed by the Iranian government and many Iranian political groups regardless of their support or opposition to the Islamic regime. The incident has also increased Iran’s sensitivity to other circumstances where Persian Gulf is referred to as ‘Arab Gulf’ or ‘Arabian Gulf’. Iran has even threatened to boycott the 2006 Asian Games in Doha, Qatar if the game sponsors continue to use the name ‘Arabian’ Gulf in their official documents.
While Arab countries have repeatedly used the name Arabian Gulf in the past four decades, Iran’s reaction has never been as severe as the National Geographic incident. This incident has increased Iran’s sensitivity to such a high level that it could have an adverse effect on Arab-Iranian relations. Under popular pressure, Iranian officials will have to react to any future incidents where any international organization uses the name “Arabian Gulf”.
This will be a difficult battle for several reasons. First, as Iran shows more sensitivity to “Arabian Gulf” the Arab countries (specially the littoral states of Persian Gulf: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, UAE and Qatar) will react by trying harder to promote this name. Second, these Arab countries are gaining more economic and political significance because of their rising volume of trade and investment with rest of the world. Profit oriented institutions such as multinational oil companies frequently use the name “Arabian Gulf” to please the Arab countries and protect their interests. Some of these entities that want to be in good terms with both Iran and Arab countries, refer to the Persian Gulf as “the Gulf” to maintain neutrality. We can expect the Arab countries of Persian Gulf to use their rising economic power to promote the usage of ‘Arabian Gulf’. Despite these difficulties Iran is right to fight for the protection of the name of Persian Gulf. However, a confrontational approach, which relies on protest and boycott is not enough and might not even be successful.
Iran should also address the root cause of this issue by engaging in direct negotiation with the Arab countries that insist on changing the name of Persian Gulf. If unresolved, this dispute could lead to mistrust and animosity on both side and create a fertile ground for future Arab-Iranian conflicts. I’m not predicting that Iran will go to war with any Arab country over this ‘name’ dispute but the ill feelings that will result from this dispute will make it more likely that disputes over other issues could lead to conflict.
The Arab world has a dual feeling about Iran. While Arab nationalism and long history of Arab-Iranian rivalries have led to ill feelings on both sides, many Arabs admire Iran for its pro-Palestinian position. In the first decade after the Islamic revolution the Arab-Iranian relations deteriorated because of the Iran-Iraq war and Islamic regime’s campaign to export Islamic revolution to the Arab countries. The relations improved in 1990s, particularly after Mohammad Khatami won the presidential election in 1997. Saudi Arabia and Iran have improved their relations and increased their bilateral trade in the past five years. More recently Iran has restored diplomatic relations with Egypt. Iran and United Arab Emirate are locked in a territorial dispute over three small islands in Persian Gulf but despite this dispute they have also had several high level diplomatic contacts in recent years and Iran is one of UAE’s largest trade partners. In addition thousands of Iranians live in UAE’s commercial capital, Dubai.
As a result of these improved relations and the goodwill of ordinary Arabs toward Iran, the Iranian government might be able to resolve the name dispute through direct negotiations. The argument is simple. Arab’s never challenged the name of Persian Gulf before 1960s. Calls for replacing 'Persian' with 'Arab' were first made by the Egyptian nationalist leader Jamal Abdul Nasser in reaction to Iran’s support for Israel. It has since gained a momentum of its own despite the complete reversal in Iran’s policy toward Arab-Israeli conflict after the Islamic revolution. Iran can argue that since the name change was a reaction to Iran’s pro-Israeli position prior to the 1979 revolution, the Arabs must show their appreciation for Iran’s pro-Palestinian policies after the revolution by respecting the name of Persian Gulf.
Direct negotiation has a good chance for resolving this dispute because it is in the interest of Arab world to have good relations with Iran and many Arabs are well aware of this. Peace and friendship with Iran will enhance the Arab world’s bargaining position in the Arab-Israeli conflict and improve the security of oil exporting countries of Persian Gulf. Iranian government should first approach those Arab countries that have had close relations with Iran in recent years such as Syria and Saudi Arabia and ask for their assistance in convincing other Arab countries to respect Iran’s demand. If Iran can manage to establish warm relations with the new government of Iraq, it can count on Iraq’s help on this initiative as well.
Resolving potential sources of conflict with the Arab world is in Iran’s strategic and economic interest as well. Iran has worked hard since 1997 to improve its relations with the Arab world and this effort has been partially successful. Iran should choose a strategy for protecting the name of Persian Gulf that will be compatible with this rapprochement. Negotiation and direct talks with Arab countries should come before threats and boycotts.
Hassan El-Najjar:
This shouldn't be a topic of debate, particularly in these dangerous days in which both Arabs and Iranians are facing much more serious issues relating to their very existence.
Neither Arabs nor Iranians should try to impose their terminology on each other. The best solution is leaving things as they are. This means that Arabs continue referring to it as the Arabian Gulf and Iranians continue referring to it as the Persian Gulf. Intellectuals, journalists, and politicians of other societies are advised to use both terms with a slash (Arabian/Persian Gulf) to avoid needless problems for themselves.
I hope that one day both sides can call it the "Islamic Gulf," as Imam Khomaini suggested before his death.
From the Arab viewpoint, the Gulf is an Arabian Gulf because Arabs live, at present, on most of its shores. The six Gulf Cooperation Council states are located on its western shores and Iraq occupies its northern shore.
Even on the Iranian eastern shores, there are Arab-Iranians, namely Arabs of Al-Ahwaz, who live in Al-Muhammarah (Khurramshahr) on the northeastern shores of the Gulf. Needless to say that Al-Muhammarah was an Arab Emirate until 1925, when it was annexed by force to Iran and its ruler, Shaikh Khaza'al Bin Mirdaw, went to exile in Kuwait, where his descendants are still living there.
On the southeastern shores of the Gulf, there are still Arabs in the area of Bander Linga, which was one day the capital of Al-Qawasim who still rule parts of the western shores of the Gulf, namely Ras Al-Khaimah and Al-Shariqah, which are two of the seven Emirates constituting the UAE. This is how the three UAE islands of Abu Moussa, Tunb Al-Kubra, and Tunb Al-Sughra are Arab islands. They were located in between the two territories that Al-Qawasim ruled, which were Ras Al-Khaimah and Al-Shariqa on the west coast and Bander Linga, on the east coast. Both coasts and the islands between them were Arab territories until the British occupation in the late 19th century.
In terms of modern usage of the term of the "Arabian Gulf," Arab nationalists started to emphasize it in reaction to the Iranian ambitions to invade smaller Arab states, like Bahrain, and to patrol the Gulf on behalf of the western powers, as the regional cop. Yes, Nasser and Saddam used it but it has been used by all Arab governments, political parties, and Arab intellectuals everywhere.
It is important to mention that in using the term of the "Arabian Gulf," Arabs don't feel that they are transgressing on Iranians. The issue is becoming even more sensitive nowadays as the entire Arab Homeland is under threat of invasions and occupations.
Iran itself is also under threat of invasion and occupation, which may also explain the degree of nervousness Iranian officials feel towards what's happening around them, even reacting by this way to a magazine using the Arab terminology.
I pray that this may not be an issue between the Islamic Republic and its Arab neighbors. There is a lot of room for cooperation and peaceful coexistence. We had enough of wars and wasting precious resources and energies. It's time to keep the Gulf peaceful so both Arabs and Iranians can enjoy the oil wealth beneath it, which has so far brought only disasters.
Dr. Hassan Ali El-Najjar is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Anthropology. He's also the Editor of Al-Jazeerah.info.
*Nader Habibi is an economist with concentration on Middle East economies. He is currently the Managing Director of Middle East and North Africa region in the economic consulting firm Global Insight. Nader.habibi@globalinsight.com
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They were convicted of involvement in bomb attacks in the city, although the names of those sentenced have not been confirmed. Reports suggest that three of those facing execution are among the six sons of moderate Ahwaz tribal leader Hajj Salem Bawi who have been the subject of an intense campaign for their release. The Bawi brothers are believed to be among the victims of the government's retribution against the Ahwazi population for unrest that has gripped the province of Khuzestan, the Ahwazi Arab homeland. However, reports from Ahwaz are unclear as the proceedings of the Revolutionary Courts are held in private, with defendents denied access to defence lawyers. In a recent report, Amnesty International has listed 11 men threatened with execution, including Zamal and Imad Bawi, pictured (